Türkiye, Pakistan ve Etiyopya’da Twitter Ortamında 2. Kuşak ve Yol Forumu (2019): Kanaat Teknisyenlerinin Sosyal Ağ ve Söylem Analizi Araştırma Grubu
China's BRI in Transnational Perspective: Comparative
Discourse Analysis of 'Opinion Technicians' in Ethiopia, Pakistan and Turkey
Dr.
Abdulaziz Dino, Addis Ababa University School of Journalism and Communication
Ali Zain,
Hacettepe University Graduate School of Social Sciences
Gökçe
Özsu, Hacettepe University Graduate School of Social Sciences
Prof.Dr.
Mutlu Binark, Hacettepe University Graduate Faculty of Communication
*the name of the contributors are written alphabetical
order
ABSTRACT
China’s landmark project of “alternative globalization”, the
Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is spread across Southeastern Asia to East
Africa, Central Asia, and Eastern and Southeastern Europe with an aim to
reconstruct the historic Silk Road as a new economic, political and cultural
network among the participating countries. It involves construction of
infrastructure, establishment of new centers for creation of opportunities and
jobs, expansion of risk-resistance in national economies. Each participating
country attaches discrete significance to the Belt and Road Initiative and puts
extraordinary emphasis to secure their respective regional and economic
interests. This research is an attempt to comparatively analyze the discourse
practices adopted during and after China’s Second Belt Road Forum (2019) by
officials, opinion technicians and leading institutions; here jointly referred
as opinion technicians; on Twitter from Ethiopia, Pakistan and Turkey which are
participating in the BRI from three significant regions Africa, South Asia and
Eurasia respectively through application of Norman Fairclough’s technique of
discourse analysis to understand how opinion technicians engage in pro-BRI and
anti-BRI discourse in these countries. The similarities and differences among
discourse practices employed in these countries will also be taken into
consideration.
As per China’s official discourse, the BRI is part of
alternative globalization and encompasses commercial and communication routes
and infrastructure in countries along the ancient Silk Road which China
considers its historical and cultural heritage for promotion of openness,
peace, learning and shared interests. Although it primarily involves government
and government institutions of participating countries, the political,
economic, historical, cultural and geopolitical contexts of Ethiopia, Pakistan
and Turkey in relationship to China can potentially affect the political
engagement in these countries and also provide significant defining grounds to
shape discourse regarding the BRI. For this, China has boosted its public and
cultural diplomacy in the participating countries of the Belt and Road
Initiative. In Turkey, it has established institutes at four universities and
also started China-focused media coverage through China Radio International and
Modern Silk Road Magazine. Ethio-Chinese Polytechnic College, Chinese language
centers, Chinese-African Development Fund, Xinhua (Chinese official news
agency) and representative offices of China Exim Bank have also been opened in
Ethiopia. Meanwhile, Chinese diplomatic activities in Pakistan involve
China-Pakistan Cultural Institute in Islamabad, Chinese Scholarship Program for
Pakistani students, exchange program of journalists, effective operations of
Chinese news agencies and arrangement of bilateral cultural and art festivals.
The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, also referred as CPEC,
connects Pakistan’s Gawadar port located in Balochistan province and China’s
Kashgar, shortening the Middle Eastern oil route for China. While Gawadar’s
presence in Balochistan province, which has long faced separatist problem,
triggers a debate regarding security of the CPEC, the port also poses a
challenge to Chabahar port jointly developed by Iran and India. Additionally,
India also objects CPEC due to passage of the trade route through disputed Kashmir
region. Another aspect of debate on CPEC is that Punjab province has been
granted a major share and nationalist political parties of Balochistan and
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa have developed a public discourse on Punjabization of the CPEC.
The state institutions and non-government entities also engage in a certain
public discourse to protect their interests due to historic relationship of
Pakistan and China.
Likewise, Ethiopia is also a significant country in China’s
Maritime Silk Road which connects African continent to the Indian Ocean at one
direction and Europe on other side. The headquarters of African Union and
United Nations Economic Commission for Africa are located in Ethiopia, making it
significant in regional political and economic affairs. China’s political and
diplomatic relations are now being transformed into strong economic partnership
and the Ethiopian government has
announced ambitious projects to connect 49 cities and also link Ethiopian
railways to Sudan, South Sudan and Kenya which will further strengthen its
regional economic and political position. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed
participated in the Second Belt and Road Forum and enabled opinion technicians to
develop a discourse on Chinese-Ethiopian relationship.
Turkey is also part of the Middle Corridor of the BRI which
connects Central Asia to Europe through railways and roads. As part of its
policy to look for an alternative of the West, Turkey decided to join the BRI to
attract an enhanced Chinese investment. Under Middle Corridor, the
Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railways, the Iron Silk Road, was opened in October 2017
which provided Turkey with alternatives to import and export goods from Central
and South Asian countries. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan participated
in the First Belt and Road Forum (2017) and also held a meeting with his
Chinese counterpart in 2019 to strengthen relationship with China.
This study explains how diplomatic and foreign policies of
the participating countries are being reshaped as a result of China’s
alternative globalization and the BRI. The Twitter-content produced by the
opinion technicians; who use different framings to highlight some aspects of
the BRI and overlook few other factors by employing priming and producing
content according to their preferred meanings and social knowledge; will be
analyzed to compare the public discourses. As Pierre Bourdieu noted that public
figures qualify to become opinion technicians who generate certain ideas among
the public by reflecting a dominant opinion and ensuring its public acceptance,
this study relies on assumption that these opinion technicians are
representatives of dominant public discourse about the BRI in their respective
countries. For development of representative samples for each country and their
analysis, the opinion technicians who shared opinions about the BRI on Twitter
during and immediately after the Second Belt and Road Forum 2019 are selected
and subjected to qualitative analysis based on macro, meso and micro level
themes within the scope of this research through Norman Fairclough’s critical
discourse analysis framework to draw the comparative inferences based on text,
discursive practice and social practice. The study will be an extraordinary
scientific contribution to the field of media studies by providing basis for
how the opinion technicians have framed and legitimized the BRI during a
defined time period in three different participating countries based on their
local politics and agendas.